ISLAM INDONESIA AND DEMOCRACY; A CULTURAL AND RELIGIOUS PLURALISM OF MOSLEM’S POLITICS (A Review on Robert W. Hefner’s Examination on democratization in an age of religious revitalization)

 

 

 

 

Introduction

The compatibility of Islam with democracy lies on the puzzle of political theories over decades. Islam as a religious doctrine is questioned whether it can promote democracy values or not since the historical facts shows less evidences for its success to go along with democracy as a sort of political and governmental system. The core problem of the puzzle and debate is related with people’s understanding on Islam itself as well as its adherents’.  Conversely, this religion pronounces its compatible value of the doctrines with certain places and certain times. Consequently, it can compromise with any kinds of facts or systems as long as they are in line with its basic values namely promoting human rights and give happiness to human beings.

……………………Abu el fadl

Another interesting discussion on Islam is that it emerges differently in different places with different features of Islam. The question, then, could Indonesian Islam promotes democracy including its values to be implemented in this country since the majority of the citizens are Moslems? Therefore, this paper addresses the issue on Islam in Indonesian context in relation with democratization process. The main purpose is to investigate Robert W. Hefner’s examination on the relationship of Islam and  democratization in Indonesia that he tends to counter some political theories’ about democracy including westerners’ doubt of the emergence of democracy in majority-Moslem nation or in Moslem world.[1]

Hefner comes with his deep discussion in his book “civil Islam” in portraying the role of Islam as well as the role of intellectual Moslem to promote democratization process. To borrow his phrase notion ” democratization in an age of religious revitalization”, he emphasizes the belief on the compatibility of Islam with this kind of political system, democracy which is commonly believed as product of modernization and secularization in western countries. As his point of departure is that he theorizes Muslim politics, to restate his statement, which is not monolithic but plural.[2] In addition, this anthropologist pointed out the precedent of civic seedling in Indonesia, which reveals the fact of the diversity of Indonesian Moslems’ ideas how to be a Muslim, and he “pronounces” this phenomenon as cultural pluralism.[3] He theorized, also, that democracy can develop in Indonesia. The reason why democracy is hard to exist in this country is that the civil state, as another component of democracy, did not exist during certain periods of Indonesian political life. From this standpoint he, then, points out the intellectual Moslems whose democrat views that tends to have liberal spirit in understanding their Islam and performing their civil concept. To Hefner, those Moslem democrats are civil democratic who play crucial role in democratization process. However, the process of democratization process faces their obstacle to be really achieved by Indonesia is due to the lack of another basic factor of democracy namely civil state as aforementioned earlier. He discusses the issue of the state and political regime in Indonesia periodically from the early new order until the fall of Soeharto’s regime.

Another example of the less existence of ………………..

Banten case is that local government supported by the Dutch monopolized the economy and restructured the political system in form of modernization. That action repressed the people (especially peasant group) economically and politically. What is more, most of them were tarekat followers. With the support from the Sufis, as their religious leaders that they believed and respected much, including the ideology they hold that the Dutch were infidels, they moved to revolt in 1888. Although it just lasted only five days, it explained that ideology will lead a group to act as well as showing that Sufis concern moved to political arena.

In general, some cases related to some tarekats in politics reveal a significant transition of Sufism and tarekats role and their initial concerns. However, it is not to say that they change their original orientation. It is just a case of the need of condition to broaden the basic aims. This also copes with my hypothesis that Sufis play different role in each time in accord with my first basic inquiries on this matter explaining why they change their original orientation in certain time. Another thing left is the power of Sufis and tarekat leaders in mobilizing people or their followers should be also considered.  I am not saying that, the followers fully obeyed their tarekat leaders but the teachings that they taught gradually became an ideology supported by the charismatic figure of the leaders. In addition, the alliance that they can work together was the Sufis group in opposing the regime in which most of the followers were mass-based such as workers and peasants. In fact, their total number was larger than government members or as equal as the colonial’s.

Basically, Hefner’s work of his book “civil Islam” is much debated in various angles to see whether his argument on Islam and democracy can be put into account as an interesting evidence of Moslem world in term of its political system. To me, his thesis of Islam Indonesia can be enriched by also putting the feature of Islam in Indonesia in the discussion framework that will be related to grass root phenomena in relation with democracy. Those two main themes will be discussed further in this paper. However, it is important to emphasize earlier that the culture seedling of Indonesia and the unique feature of Islam in this Moslem- majority nation play role in promoting democracy besides the Moslem democrats’ role. Therefore, to overview the feature of Islam in Indonesia including Indonesian original culture should not be overlooked as “left hole” to be discussed.

 

Islam in Indonesia

It is interesting to discuss Islam in Indonesia, as there were so many religions and beliefs such as Hindu, Buddhist and other mystical beliefs already existed long before Islam came. Those systems of beliefs had a greater role in forming social economic as well as political structure in Indonesia.[4] Islam found the reality of diversity of system and socio-cultural tradition in Indonesia. What is more, people in different tribes hold different spiritual beliefs supporting by their geographical location of living. As a consequence, Islam had to pass trough a long process to islamized Indonesia. Then, the face of Islam tended to be inclusive in islamization process, which could compromise with local tradition to avoid the resistance of that tradition. This sort of religion came with its domestication process. What domestication means here is that Islam tried to accommodate local culture. Nonetheless, it is not to say that Islam did not generate conflict as the fact also shows that there was a contradiction between Islam as a great tradition and Islam as little tradition (Islam local). Still, the domestication of Islam resulted in the more acceptable feature of Islam for local people with their original culture.

Then, the spreading process of Islam in Indonesia shows some important points. First, the assimilation and acculturation process of Islam with original culture constitutes an identity for Islam Indonesia as a new comer religion. That “identity” was inspired  mostly by local value of “tolerance” and creates a “ new configuration” between middle east religion and a local religion with its local culture without abandoning the original (sacred) message of Islam. Second, Islam is not a dominant religion in whole Indonesian parts although it has majority of adherents. Islam still left some areas for other religions to developed. Some areas such as Manado which becomes Christian consentration as well as Bali for Hindust, and so forth. This phenomena reveals a fact of “harmony’ with tolerance as the base.[5]

Despite the success of Islam in accomodating local culture, it also has another consequence of interpretation of its doctrine. To point out Clifford Geertz’s thesis about the three variants of moslem Indonesia (priyayi, santri, abangan), he  draws into the conclusion that there is different conversion way of into Islam in Indonesia.  Inspiried by Weber’s thought, he tried to look at the relationship between religion and social action. He proposes a “layer cake” theory to describe  phenomena above. It is to say that the feature of Islam Indonesia just changes some terms but Indonesian Islam is, basically, still the original culture.

Although Gertz’s thesis above is already debated by some scholars, it is still important to look how in general Indonesian Islam. It leads to a “rough” assumption on the possibility of various forms of Moslems’ attitude toward Indonesia including its political sphere. It is not to say, however,that Islam Indonesia is less pious than in other moslem worlds. It just another phenomena of Islam’s  message that is compatible with different conditions in any time. Therefore, it is important to keep in mind that, in line with Hefner’s view, Islam may not an obstacle for democracy to grow particularly Islam Indonesia.

From that standpoint, we have to consider another consequence of this Islam above. The conflict within moslems groups emerge in responding political form of Indonesia. As a matter of fact , There is an attempt proposed by certain groups which to purify Islam to search the authenticity of Islam along with the emergence of Islamic radical movement. This movement aims to integrate the diversity of Islam’s understanding  into one frame. The main goal is to put Islam in the same level of one social system. This movement, to me, commonly represent some group of moslems from grass root level. The movements shows their radicalism. The orientation is to implement the fundamentalist islamic doctrines. Take for example, Ikhwanul Muslimin movement, Hizbut Tahrir, Jama’ati Islami and the alike. The basic foundations of their movement are Al-Qur’an and Hadist that are interpreted literally. Some of the leaders are commonly coming from pesantren leaders and not political figures. Nevertheless,  recent fact shows the contradiction feature of those movement. The case of new paradigm of Ikhwanul Muslimin movement, in my view, supports hefner’s study about democracy in Indonesia. The main reason of democracy problem is the civil state in Indonesian context. The recent leader of Ikhwanul Muslimin, Sayyid Hussein Al-Habsy, stated that uncivil political regime from new order era up to present tend to be dicrimininative toward Islam communities. He raised a real proof of RMS case and Jama’ah Islamiyah case. The regime discriminates Jama’ah Islamiyah and put its case as the object of interest. By contrast, the  regime tended to be “softener” toward RMS. The leader of this movement is easy to escape from the case and from Indonesia. This discrimination, according to Sayyid Al-Habsyi, triggers the discriminated group to build a social movement. He also mentions that It is not Islamic group which wants to oppose the government and the existed political system but the regime “creates” it.[6] That fact of grass root movements tends to be overlooked by Hefner to support his finding on Islam and democracy.

In addition, historical evidence that “ islamic purification movement” in the late 18s was mostly related to the concern of moslems condition. Ahmad Syafi’I Ma’ ar if   in his book “Islam dan Masalah Kenegaraan” raises an interesting evidence of one Islamic movement that is Muhammadiyah organization. Motored by Kyai Haji Ahmad Dahlan (1868- 1923), this organization struggled for reform and revival of education system in Islam. Ma’arif, also, adds the internal factors of the Muhammadiyah emergence. First, the low level of moslem’s education in Indonesia in all aspects of life. Then, Serious condition of moslem indonesians who commonly live in poverty condition but in rich country. Lasty, The old-fashioned  system of Islamic education as represented by pesantren education system.[7]

Furthermore, the conflict and debate between the concept of nation and political system of Indonesia is dominated by intellectuals and those who will take the benefit from it.

What should be emphasized in this part of discussion is that the diversity of understanding Islam and the feature of Islam itself open a great chance to any political systems as long as they promote social welfare and human rights.

 

Grass root phenomena

It is noteworthy, also, to consider the phenomena within certain societies in the grass root level in terms of their value and culture. To paraphrase Herbert Feith’s statement in Blackwell Encyclopedia of Political Institutions, Indonesia still in the process of searching and forming its political culture in which the process is influenced by sub-culture of of politics and religion.[8] Feith, then, adds his assumption that dominant culture is “Javanese aristocracy” and “entrepreneurship”. The explanation of that argument is the high number of politics elites in national level are Javanese as well as the cetral location of govermental system is in Java island.

The most crucial factor, in cultural level, is the internal attitude of Javanese people which is rooted in their personality. They tend to avoid to make conflict or clash with other communities although, in the same time, they are easily to be hurted their feeling. They also insist the concept of polity and being civilized on their behavior since they were children. Those rooted concept emerge as “ natural character” in form of controlled emotion. What is more, they try not to make their behavior rough toward other people. I am not saying, however, that other societies are not likely have the same attitude as Javanese have. It is just one phenomenon of Grass root personal behavior in one community.

Alfian, quoted by Masykury Abdillah, potrays an important value in some communities in  Indonesian rural areas including javanese rural society. Indonesian communities mostly develop an openness and freedom value. According to him, these values can be seen in rural communities’ meeting where each person can express their feelings and ideas freely and openly. The process of making decision passes through an openess, natural and dialog system. This concept is well-known as, recently, “consultation and making decision” (Musyawarah-Mufakat). [9] This condition runs well is due to the homogenious condition of the people in terms of family relationship where the people commonly are relatives. It seems to me that it reflects the democracy system in J. J. Rosseau’ s perspective with his concept of direct system of democracy. Nonetheless, what I emphasize ,here, is not the system but the basic values of grass root society which can support democracy in Indonesia.

Furthermore, ordinary people in this level of social structure are likely to choose the the peacefull life compare to chaotic condition in whatever political condition they are. They will raise an issue of conflict if the government “ creates” the causes. A good example is ethnic conflict between Madurese and dayak community in Kalimantan island. This booming chaos is still in question to what real cause it emerges since the two different community had lived together for years. Some people argue that the government “ creates” the conflict for political interest of some elites politics. On the other hand, some others suspect that it was communal conflict. The main point is that the long period of Madurese and Dayak community story proves a harmony of neighborhood untill the “black manufactured period” came. Still, I assume that the original culture of some communities and ethnic group in Indonesia affiliates to the value of democracy that is recognizing other people’ liberty reflected by tolerance value.

 

Conclusion

From the discussion of the feature of Islam Indonesia and grass root phenomena, we can go to the brief conclusion on Hefner’s work of “Civil Islam”. To restate his main thesis about democratization in Indonesia, he pointed out that democracy can emerge in Indonesia since it already had civic precedence regarding its civil society and civic culture power. Furthermore, to him, what lacks of Indonesia to implement democracy is civil state. Therefore, Hefner’s thesis is in line with my argument on this issue. Nevertheless, I also criticizes that Hefner ignore the reality of grass root phenomena and Islam Indonesia. In these two Issues, he did not discuss further and give a gap that I can discuss to support his thesis. In conclusion, democracy in Indonesia has a great chance to grow although it is a Moslem majority nation that people in doubt with it. With the power of civic culture and civil Islam supporting by civil state, democratization is possible for Indonesia although we cannot deny the fact of conflict throughout the process.

 

 

 

 

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[1] Robert W. Hefner, Civil Islam, Muslim and democratization in Indonesia, 2000,Princeton University, United Kingdom,p. 6

[2] ibid

[3] ibid

[4] Abdillah, Masykury, demokrasi di Pesimpangan  Makna ,(trans. Edition), 1999, Pt. Tiara Wacana, Yogyakarta.

[5] Najib, Ala’I, “Islam Indonesia dalam Sorotan Dunia”Perta Journal, vol.VI/no. 02/2003

[6] Extracted from radio interview between Sayyid Husein Al-Habsyi and MS3 FM  Jakarta Wednesday, 28^th April 2004

[7] Ahmad Syafi’I MA’arif in mAsykury Abdillah, op cit

[8] ibid, p. 198

[9] ibid, p. 199

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women and marriage

MARRIAGE AND THE INDEPENDENCY OF WOMEN

(A CASE STUDY ON EARLY MARRIAGE IN LOCAL AREA IN MADURA)

Abstrak

Perkawinan merupakan suatu ikatan yang mengandung nilai ibadah dan suatu tahap kehidupan penting bagi seseorang dengan berbagai tujuan hidup. Oleh karena itulah,segala aspek yang terkait dengan  perkawinan haruslah didasari dengan keputusan yang disadari secara penuh bagi yang melakukan,  yaitu suami atau istri. Dalam konteks ini, kadangkala kemandirian dan hak perempuan seperti penentuan usia perkawinan dan pemilihan pasangan terabaikan terutama pada masyarakat desa atau daerah-daerah dimana masih terdapat bias gender terhadap status dan perempuan yang dikonstruk sebagai suatu kearifan dan norma loka yang seringkali berdampak negatif bagi semua pihak. Dengan demikian, kemandirian perempuan dalam perkawinan semestinya dikembalikan pada pada perempuan agar tujuan mulia  perkawinan dapat terwujud

A. Preface

Marriage serves many purposes for either men or women. For women in rural area, for instance, marriage is an important phase of their life. It can be perceived as natural cycle of life by the women. For many, it is also a need to preserve their existences in society. For individuals, marriage is a variously economic ticket, a socializing influence, a form of child care, a means of escape from social constrains and the locus of many other hopes and desires. What is interesting from the point of viewing marriage is the different purposes which marriage is expected to serve women in various angles. In local area, usually the emphasis on marriage for women has been on moral and social as well as, to some extent, outcomes, both for themselves and for society. As the irony of the fact of the importance of marriage, particular aspect in marriage such as age is mostly ignored by society and by women themselves although it is closely related to the issue of women’s independency. The line of the debate is on the prerogative of women in deciding the age that they want to get married and the person they want to marry with. However, not all the cases of early marriage are the problems of loosing personal prerogative as it can be free and personal choice

B. Early Marriage and the independency of local area women

As Blackburn [1] suggested that the age at which it is appropriate for girls to marry has been a contentious matter in many countries. Furthermore, she pointed out that for certain societies, marriage is considered as family’s prerogative. It brings up the age of marriage to be quite young. Children in this case are rarely to be consulted about marriage and they seldom propose their own will. Moreover, the marriageable age based on the adulthood qualities for daughters to be a wife and a mother is usually ignored by people in general and particularly by the parents. In fact, if the qualities are put into main consideration the marriage could run stable. Furthermore, divorce and its undesirable impacts are probably can be avoided. Then, the next question is that should girls or daughters are allowed to choose their husbands by themselves. The standard age which is suitable for getting marriage is another main question. The aim of proposing these two inquiries is to let the girls know all the consequences of marriage. For instance, girls should know the result of getting marriage before eighteen such as how quickly their body will deteriorate after giving a birth.

Consideration of girls to get marriage earlier is differently argued by people. For many, if the girls had menstruated and reached the age of fifteen, she was old enough to marry. A story of Don Juan reveals the way of Minangkabaus people perceive marriageable age for their daughters. This story tells:

It is right for parents to choose the husband. And among us (matrilineal) Minangkabaus, the rights of male elders must be consulted. If you leave it to a girl, she may be tricked into marriage by a womanizer or misled by men who deceived girls as we read about in Europe.[2]

Strictly speaking, early marriage in one village in Madura is commonly practiced and is differently perceived by people in this village.[3] On the one hand, marriage in the very early age may generate undesirable impact on the children particularly on women as wives. Many possible undesirable impacts are proposed by women in Tlokoh regarding the age of marriage and the prerogative of marriage itself. For many (e.g. a woman figure in the village) pointed out that the practice of early marriage is, to some extent, harmful for women. She puts in this way:

I was very young when I got married. Early marriage can destroy daughters’ life because when they got marriage they did not have complete understanding of how to handle the family. Furthermore, the decision of parents to choose husband for their daughters is also harmful for the husband. The chosen husband may have not reach marriageable age that makes him not ready yet to manage the family’s matters. Moreover, he is probably not financially ready yet. As a result, the family may face obstacles due to lack of financial and psychological preparation.

In addition, another chance to interview other respondents reveals the same line of thought to perceive that early marriage is common but less desirable for the wife. For instance, a primary school teacher in this village suggested that to get marriage in the very early age distort girls’ freedom to express what they want including their own plan of the future. The independency of daughters to make decision for her personal matters is not on her hands. This is commonly parents’ worry that plays role in supporting early marriage to exist in rural area.

Parents are worried if their daughters will not have husband or will get older without any spouses. People in village are economically weak, so they cannot afford school fee to send their children to school. As a result, most girls have nothing to do. They have no significant activities except helping their parents in the farm or cutting grass for the husbandry. Then, if there is a man asking for marrying the daughters, the parents will agree directly. The opportunity that comes to the village girls in that situation above is getting marriage in the very early of their ages. Sometimes they do not know what the meaning of being a wife was. The worst thing is that the parents just accept the husband’s offering without asking their daughters before whether they like to marry soon or not. [4]

Interestingly, as suggested by another research [5] in Madura which reveals the fact of minimum age of marriage that is still low. This research explains the way of Madurese views on marriage that for them the important thing is to follow their own version of Islamic law. In addition, anecdotal evident is also found in this research about special dispensation of marriage age. Some parents usually collude with some local officials in disguising child marriage. This “negotiation” usually occurred due to the marriage below the age of sixteen are not permitted officially. As a result, corruption of age is issued or age can be incorrectly recorded at marriage. In addition, the corruption may be urgently to be practiced due to certain circumstances such as pregnant girls who need to be married off quickly. However, cultural attitudes are also important: particularly in strong Islamic rural areas many people consider it desirable that girls be married as early as possible.[6] It is commonly found that Indonesians practice cultural belief and make the practice as legal that is often justified by religion. A notion proposed by Mulia in her article “Toward Just Marital Law” argues that Indonesian society is currently facing a number of social problems related mostly on the issue of women. Particular cases related to women such as exploitation and discrimination exist in Indonesian society, including domestic violence, women and children trafficking through marriage, high number of underage children marriage and unregistered marriage, and widespread practice of prostitution need a reform of Marital Law although those aforementioned problems are social problems.[7]

Additionally, the previous research in Bangkalan regency of Madura in 1977 suggested the ineffectiveness of the 1974 Marriage Law in this island which is also responsible for the age of marriage. Marriage in the earlier age was remained widespread among girls below twenty in one of sub-districts in Bangkalan regency. There was an identifiable trend toward early marriage. This research also reveals that the marriage of girls under sixteen remained commonplace and was widely accepted within the community.[8]

Like in this village where the research is conducted, early marriage among teenagers is a widely accepted to be practiced. The teenagers, especially women, who have graduated from elementary school (SD) are considered or might consider themselves as capable to get married. The previous observation confirmed the earlier evident that a far greater percentage of girls marry before twenty. Most of people in this village marry on the age of 13- 16 years old for the women. Meanwhile, the men usually aged 16 or 17 years old when they get married. During this research is conducted, there is a young couple is found to have the formal letter from KUA while they got married when the woman was 15 and the man was 17. Therefore, it is not surprising when people in those ages are already become a widow or widower.

Nonetheless, it is also a possibility that among the people in the village there are still who practice later marriage. Their proportion, however, still less than those who marry earlier due to the social tradition of the village. Moreover, in local madrasah particular classical Islamic books such as uqudul Lujen and Risalah Nikah are already taught for the teenagers.[9]

Much has been argued about the tradition of early marriage in this village, including the women themselves. Other women saw marriage in the very early as a significant impact which needed to be brought into line with its search for the benefits and social order.[10] There were a number of reasons for this acceptance. According to those who agree with the tradition of early marriage, it is good for women socially and economically. It seems that this village women view that early marriage can be tolerated due to its positive aspects that can prevent youngsters from undesirable impacts of free relationship, free sex and uncontrolled social interaction. By choosing husband for the daughters, parents are released from the responsibility to protect the daughters from bad things. Moreover, this is also for those girls who have no particular activities such as working or studying. From the idea releasing responsibility, women or daughters tend to be a burden for parents in terms of culture, local norms and religious doctrines. The emphasis of protection is much on women including to provide a husband for the girl since the boys do not get the same treatment.

Social order is another point to let the children marry earlier.  What is meant by social order is social construction what activity is less accepted in this village. It is considered a taboo if single women walk around the village without any clear needs. This phenomenon of social construction leads to the idea of the separation of public and private sphere becomes crucial to control women’s sexuality. Therefore, sexual morality is the concern to “protect” women from “being alone” in public sphere but not protecting men.  In most women’s view, it is better if women with no exact activities get married earlier in Madura particularly in rural area. It will be social problems if they find single women do such activities. People, men and women, will make it as a social issue that will probably make them discuss the girls’ attitude to their parents or their relatives. Therefore, social control towards women is reflecting the issue of women status and role socially and culturally that may be different across culture and religion. Take for example what has been proposed by Whyte[11] that women’s status and their role in rural Asia still experienced the traditional sex role concept in the nuclear family. Meaning that, they still perform four common roles such as a wife, a housekeeper, child-rearer and as a mother. In addition, a society that has being gendered, he stated that “women and men, girls and boys, are treated in systematically different ways (by both women and men). They have different experiences at school, at work and at home, they do different things and different things are expected of them. In other words, women and men have different life experiences to an extent that cannot be explained by simple biological differences between the sexes.”

Then, it is interesting to consider how people in local area like in this village interpret what is considered   to “have activity” and “not to have”. Helping parents in farming or cutting grass for feeding the husbandry are not quite enough to be called as an activity. This is my understanding that “activity” for people in this community is working to be waged or to get money. Therefore, most women try to work to get money to lessen the parents’ burden financially even to financially support their family. The girls, usually, earn money from trading or they go to other places such as to Kalimantan and mostly to other parts in east Java. Those activities can be considered as “activity”.  Interestingly, women are led to be independent economically. Therefore, when they are not working to get the money, they are perceived to not have the clear activities, then. However, the primary emphasis is not producing much money. It is not all the case that women must be independent. Working is just to make women not to do useless things outsides the house. This is due to people concern much on the social norm of two different sexes’ social relationship (men and women) to search the harmony and to maintain the social order. Women are socially protected in this case.

The logic of practicing early marriage as one good way to maintain social order also explains why parents prefer their daughters marry earlier. Parents are usually happy when a man asks the daughter to be his wife. There are several reasons which may contribute in this case. First, to have son in-law earlier is family’s pride. It is a pride for parents when there is an offering for marriage for their daughters. As informed by an informant from local government office in Kokop sub-district that early marriage is part of parents’ pride.[12] His information also reveals the common range for daughters to get marriage. It is around 11 until 12 years old. Parents may feel worried when the daughters have not got married when they aged more than 16. It will be a perception that the daughters are hard to find a husband and it will be a big worry for them.

The most interesting argument and forthright views are expressed by two women in this village (Ainy and hajar).  Hajar made a strong argument for women to accept the practice of early marriage and the authority of parents to choose husband for them. In her view, it is essential to marry earlier for women in Madura considering their future live. Women would need to learn to realize that they need a partner in their life because it is inescapable fact that the ideas of women are men’s partner in many respects. She pointed out her agreement in this way:

I agree with the tradition of early marriage in Madura particularly in this village. Marriage aims for taking care and protecting women’s life in the future emotionally as well as economically. That is why I support early marriage because it will be safe    women’s life earlier. When I got married in the very early of my age, I did not dare to refuse the offering of a man because I was afraid that I would have no husband easily in the next time. Although my first marriage ended with divorce but it was not because of my husband’s fault or mine. My husband, he was the good choice for me. I prefer to divorce with him because external problems beyond our personal problems. Anyway, early marriage is good to be accepted by women.

The focus here is on the fear of finding a husband not merely finding the right person to be long life partner. This is such kind, to the writer, of personal fear to not have a husband if once a woman refuse an offering of marriage. It will be bad luck for women in the future. In addition, surrounding people will question a woman who refuses a man. They may think that this woman is too selective for woman’s standard in rural area. Woman can be struck down by a calamity by this.

In terms of “men’s protection” as has been suggested by Hajar, Ainy is another woman who views positively on early marriage. According to this one-child mother, early marriage is not a big thing for Madurese people since women in Madura seldom to have specific activities. To quote Aini’s statement “ It is better if women get married and there is husband who will protect them. What these two women said about women and early marriage is basically in line with the thought of most women in the village. From the total number of respondent (45 women from different socio-economical backgrounds) only two of them who consider the undesirable impacts of early marriage on women. Meanwhile, the rest tend to give positive response to marry earlier. For them, marry is life cycle that women should pass trough in their life. One aspect of life is to find our soul mate as our partner in life through marriage. If a man comes to propose marriage, there is no reason for woman to refuse as long as he is morally and socially is admitted by people.

A recent case of early marriage occurred in this village of which a twelve-year old girl got married with a boy who is in the same age with her. The parents are curious that their daughter had special relationship with the boy. When the boy made the first visit, the girl’s parents ask him to marry the girl. Interestingly, the boy agreed as well as his parents. Then, the marriage occurred by that time. From the girl’s family, parents feel that they already done their responsibility to protect their daughter’s from immoral attitude and to find a husband for her. When this young wife was interviewed, she reveals the way she thought about her early marriage this way:

I do not know what the meaning of being women is. I just have to follow what my parents order me to do especially about marriage. When I knew a man and he visited my house, my parents proposed us to get married. I accepted it. Then, what I have to now is just to follow my husband wherever he goes.

For such women in this village, early marriage had an almost personally revelatory impact and bonded them to the new experience. And it was marriage earlier that protects them from negative impact of free social interaction with men. It was also early marriage which gives them economical as well as social “protector”. A partner in family bound who can be a partner in several affairs. Therefore, for almost women in this village, it is not a big issue to be questioned and to against the practice of early marriage as women may experience the positive aspects of it. However, it does not mean that they do not consider the negative aspect that they just find early marriage is one way to protect women socially and economically. It might be argued, then, particular Madurese women give their right to be independent in marriage to those who represent them socially. It is not a big deal for them since gender issues (e.g. subordination) internalize in a local context and it is already accepted.

C. Conclusion

Above all the issues, marriage in a local norm, to some extent, ignores women’s independency to regulate their marriage in particular aspects. Therefore, a mutual consent of women becomes critical in marriage although women “sincerely” abandoned her rights to be represented by their male guardians (walis) in marriage. Women should be ensured their freedom in such situations on the concept of consultation as the basic principle of marriage since women must be acknowledged their personal and basic rights to be independent to make decision in their life. In closing it may be safely argued that marriage is a media of which gender is respected and equal rights (men and women) are admitted by social and religious framework. As all such attempts to describe the independency of women in relation with marriage, further research should be conducted.

References

Blackburn, Susan, women and the State in Modern Indonesia,UK: Cambridge University Press, 2004

Bowen, John R, Islam, Law and Equality in Indonesia, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003

BPS Bangkalan,Bangkalan in Figures 2003, Bangkalan: BPS kabupaten Bangkalan, 2004

Ellington, Stephen and M. Christian Green, Religion and Sexuality in Cross Cultural Perspectives, New York: Routhledge, 2002

Faisal, Sanapiah, Format-Format Penelitian Sosial, Jakarta: PT Raja Grafindo Persada, 2001

Mayling, Oey, et all., Indonesian Women, The Journey Continues, Canberra: Goanna Print Pby Ltd., 2000

Mulyati, Sri (ed), Relasi Suami Istri Dalam Islam, Jakarta: PSW UIN Jakarta, 2004

Orr, Robert Whyte and Pauline Whyte, the Women in Rural Asia, USA: Westview Press, Inc, 1982

Report of Proceeding on The Regional Workshop, Islam, Reproductive Health and Women’s Rights, organized by Sisters in Islam, held in Kuala Lumpur Malaysia at 20^th-23^rd , August,1998

Subaharianto, Andang, et all., Tantangan Industrialisasi Madura, Malang: Bayumedia Publishing, 2004

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[1]Susan Blackburn, women and  the State in Modern Indonesia (UK, Cambridge University Press;2004)  p. 57

[2] Blackburn,…….p.60

[3] The interview is taken from research conducted in one village in Kokop Sub-district in Madura as part of the writer’s master program.

[4] The idea is concluded from the result of interview with the wife of social and religious figure of the village where the research is conducted. Her husband’s social position makes her to be respected by the people. She also play significant social role to be consulted when there is a social problem. However, her role becomes significant after the death of her husband. She was around 12 years of her age when she got married. The phenomena of women loosing independency in aspect of marriage is a cross cultural phenomenon and long rooted tradition. History of Pagan Community also notes that women were regarded as only sexual object of men. Sometimes, the fathers of Pagan girls just gave their daughter to men without asking anything or the father just asking other fathers to be allowed to marry their daughter. It happened as if an exchange daughters to be wives.

[5] See research by Jones (2001) in Blackburn

[6] For further explanation on the practice of early marriage see BlackBurn, Women… chapter 3.

[7] Musdah Mulia, Toward Just Marital Law, issued (dialog con I’Islam)  at WWW.cisro.net/index.php

[8] BlackBurn, Women…….. P. 78

[9] The content of those two classical Islamic text books are about all aspects of marriage such as right and duties of wife and husband. Usually they are also taught in another Islamic educational institution like in pesantren.

[10] From the total number of respondents (45 women) only two people who pointed out the undesirable impact of early marriage. Meanwhile, the rest of respondent view the marriage earlier positively. However, those two women still accepted to get marry earlier although they propose the less desirable aspect of the practice.

[11] Robert Whyte Orr and Pauline Whyte, the Women in Rural Asia (USA,Westview Press, Inc; 1982)

[12] The informant works in the office of local government in Kokop for most ten years and he is one of senior officer in this rural area. He used to deal with social problems within the society due to his duty as well as his responsibility for social welfare.

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COMPARATIVE CRITICAL REVIEW

IRAN REVOLUTION, SPONTANEITY OR PLANNING?

(A review on the relationship between opportunities and the political structuring of social movement in Iran revolution case)

It is indisputable that Iran was successful in gaining revolution and it has been much debated among scholars from different disciplines. However, the big question raises whether it just a spontaneity action from Iranians to overthrow the old regime or it, basically, was a made action that has been planned. Many scholars got involved within this debate. Some of them argue that it was not a spontaneity that some people believe, but it was a social movement that passed through certain process of revolution before getting the success.

Rasler (1996), for instance, one scholar who tried to review Iranian Revolution case from political point of view to describe the opportunity which led to the success of Iran revolution that she, herself, defined the term opportunity in a revolution as a concession and a repression from the government. In her article “Concession, Repression and Political Protest in The Iranian Revolution” (vol. 61, issue 1p.132-152) reveals a dynamic relationship between concession and repression in escalating the Iranian protest action. In this research, this political professor used three grand theories namely, micromobilization theory, Value expectancy and bandwagon (critical mass) models to investigate the empirical links between protest behavior (violent and nonviolent), strike, spatial diffusion, concession, repression just a year before the exit of Shah from Iran. She also proposed eleven hypothesis to lead her research to be verified at the end of the research. Another thing that is also noteworthy is the data that were collected from December 1977 to the first half of February 1979 to be analyzed.

The result of the study shows that repression was a crucial factor in increasing individual and group motivation to take part in protest action. What is more, People more likely to participate when they are repressed and they did not belong to formal organization. In this case, Rasler tended to support dynamic perspective on repression       (for overall levels) theorizing that repression, in general, has short and long term effect on micromobilization and escalatory process in which she support the Opp and Ruehl (1991) theory stating that repression can stimulate protest behavior by launching micromobilization process that bring people to the street.

On one hand, repression may stop the protest action where the government has the power to do something on the protesters such as arresting and banning them. On the other hand, for the long term effect, it give positive effect on the collective action in term of the escalatory process where a small group allied with rudimentary forms of organization to produce mobilization.

Furthermore, Rasler also pointed out the positive link between concession and spatial diffusion during the process of revolution in Iran. Using those three grand theories I have stated earlier, she found that an indicator of link in which value expectancy models theorized that people in Iran have a high expectancy of success that led them to participate in mass action. This theory is supported band wagon theory stating that people were engaged in a willingness and commitment each others in such actions through a social network to exchange information where Iranian mostly did in mosques since that were the only places that the old regime had no interference at all. Basically, it may be true if rasler said that protesters believed that they would be successful if they act together as a team and it also became one form of spatial diffusion in Iran case.

Last, but not least, thing that we should also notice is her points of the research that so called critical events became the conerstone of the data to potray the increasing level of the protests and spatial diffusion process significantly.

In short, Rasler did a good scientific work on Iran revolution case in finding out its behind factors the opportunity of Iran to gain its great revolution. The main argument, however, that she actually wants to emphasize is that mass mobilization is a necessary component of a successful revolution including Iran case of revolution. On that “mass mobilization” point she linked to the opportunity, based on her definition of opportunity itself, that supported the process of mutual relationship of different groups to make a mass protest action. Even she clearly stated that Iran revolution was the example of regime’s fall through a rapid mass mobilization. In other words, she proposed that a mass mobilization, beside the opportunity that open the chance to the people to do political structuring, has a significant power in gaining a revolution

Another scholar who tried to prove that Iran revolution was not a spontaneous action was Theda Sckocpol. In her article “Rentier State and Shi’I Islamin The Iranian Revolutio”(vol. 11 no.3May, 1982, p. 263-283) she outlined some important points. First, she theorized that Iran revolution has a qualification as a social revolution in which she, herself, defined it as basic transformation of a country’s state and class structure and of its dominant ideology. In other words, she wants to say that Iran revolution was not a simply political revolution but also a social one since class-based upheaval from below was one factor of Iran revolution.

Second, she described the stages that Iran revolution passed through during the process to support her argument stating that revolution in Iran was made. Initially, it was a product of complicated condition after the rapid modernization where Iranians faced a universal frustation with the pace of the change. That condition was followed by the incapability of armed forces to keep the state integrated. At  the last stage, the revolution which was deliberately made by mass-based social movement to overthrow the regime.

Third point that Skocpol proposed is the failure of Shah’ regime to utilize the power of modernized armed forces that he had. The Shah, in this case, ignored one important factor that was the regime alliance in which Shah did not allied with any independent social classes. In fact, the social class alliances were more powerful to challenge Shah’s authority. In addition, she added that shi’i ideology played important role within that revolution. This ideological  tenet supported the fall of the regime along with its doctrine justifying resistance againts unjust authority.

Beside her own arguments, Skocpol proposed a spatial diffusion trend through social communication as well as Rasler to show the strenght of that factor to lead to a culture condusiveness to challenge the authority.

In general, these two scholars maintained one idea, indirectly, stated that Iranian revolution was not a spontaneity emerged during shah’s regime. Hence, it passed a long process with a structural opportunity giving the regime’s opposants to overthrow the old order. Another point that they similarly pointed out are significant role of mass action in that revolution in which Skocpol stated that it was mass-based upheavals that made the revolution occurred. In this case, she stated that Iran revolution was a social revolution and she, herself, defined it as a basic transformation. However, Skocpol in presenting that argument above, had different emphasis from Rasler that she focused the revolution process not in term of the opportunity but in transformation on certain aspect process such as the tranformation of  class structure..

One thing that may be missing from her work is the explanation of her theory of rentier state itself since it may lead us to different description on that kind of state. She actually should lead us to the same understanding of  the rentier state term.

Despite those points above, including their similarity grand ideas, There are certain points that I would like to add and argue.

First, The issue of opportunity of revolution to emerge ( that I adress most to Rasler). To borrow the theory of the elements of opportunity in comparative perspective on social movements:political opporunities, mobilizing structures and cultural framing book, edited by Mc Adam, et.all, stating that one structural elements of revolution is the dividing elites stage. In Rasler’s work, she focused the analysys only on the repression, concession and spatial process factor by treating only three big events that she named by critical events (the august Abadan cinema burning, the appointment of a reform-oriented prime minister and september black Friday) to start hes analysis to find the link between those three above factor and the protest action although she already stated that the data were collected  since 1977. even, She said that 1878 protest movement event in the fall of regime are likely candidates as ctitical events. In fact, the starting even actually, I my self argue, was begun since 1977  where the repression emerged from the people and from many angles led to the dividing process in Iran’s elite. Moreover, the the regime articulated the reform solution to solve the mass repression on the government. This elite dividing encouraged unrepresented group to participate in collective action. In Iran case, regarding the dividing in elites open the wider leeway to the people to interfere directly in politics by overthrowing the old regime. Therefore, Rasler, actually, should also calculated the starting event in which one element of revolution may take place. However, it is not to say that three big events were not too important, but I just analyze that each events should be put into account to find possible factor beside repression, concession and spatial diffusion in a revolution.

Second point that I like to add is the possible changing of protesters strategies during the concession and repression process. Rasler, in this point, did not pay attention much. In fact, in that process, the protesters also had chance to change their strategies  in respond to the concession and the accommodation of the Shas’s regime. In Iran, there was a character changing within the protest action in which the form of the group was changed from certain social class into the recruitment of all social class. If the condition from the both side, the government and the people, were analyzed , for instance, it will give us another prove of the theory used by Rasler stating that the government responsible variable may influence the following action made by people. Therefore, a changing of choice of action should be discussed also to find out what social class played a great role of the revolution since Khomeiny had been believed as the main actor in Iran process so far. It seems that clergy social group was the most dominant actor in Iran by that time.

To respond skocpol’s idea stating that in the revolution process, there was a transformation process of the dominant ideology. It may be true since Iran passed a converting process to Syi’i ideology after it gain its revolution. If the process is regarded as a transformation process meaning that syi’i transformed from a conservative ideology into non-conservative one, I agree with that notion. However, in Iran actually there was no transformation of dominant  ideology since almost Iranians are the follower of shi’i.

To sum up, both writers, either rasler or skocpol, were successful to propose the argument that Iran revolution was a made revolution with its elements of opportunity that was conducive at that time to support the success of the revolution in spite of some weakness that I try to analyze. However, both of them give point of views scientifically  contributing on reviewing Iran revolution as a revolution case regardless its uniqueness. To some extent, both writer provide convincing reasons why mass mobilization were so powerful in gaining revolution and what political structure that may influence that success. Still, that scientific and political works need further analysis since one point is still missing in studying Iran case. It is last point I will raise, then, that historically the revolution in Iran was not merely appeared in political sense. Along the process, we already noted that the fell down of the economic power of the country should not be overlooked also because it also force the Iranians to act to resist their economic suffer after the decline of the oil prices as the main revenue of the country. If, for example, the economic condition did not changed where the people were economically were granted, the protest events probably did not emerged or if it emerged the process and the result might be different also. However, we still can used these works to study Iran case although they have not completed yet. So far it is still realistic way to use them to understand the protest events since those scholars, moreover Rasler, proposed some theories of protest events emergence and breakdown society theory used by Skocpol.

Referrences

Harimurty and qomaruddin SF, Gagalnya Politik Islam (trans. Edition), Jakarta, PT Serambi Ilmu Semesta

Mc. Adam, et. all, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements : Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures and Cultural Framing, 1999, United States of america, cambridge University Press

Rasler, Karen, Rentier State and Shi’a Islam in the Iranian Protest, 1982, vol.11 no.3, p. 265-283, Kluwer Academic publisher

Skocpol, Theda, Concession, Repression, and Political Protest in The Iranian Revolution, 1996, vol. 61, p. 132-152, American Sociological Review.

Zayar, The Iranian Revolution, Present and Future ( trans. By Anton HI), 2002, Yogyakarta, Sumbu Yogyakarta

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ISLAM INDONESIA AND DEMOCRACY; A CULTURAL AND RELIGIOUS PLURALISM OF MOSLEM’S POLITICS

(A Review on Robert W. Hefner’s Examination on democratization in an age of religious revitalization)

Introduction

The compatibility of Islam with democracy lies on the puzzle of political theories over decades. Islam as a religious doctrine is questioned whether it can promote democracy values or not since the historical facts shows less evidences for its success to go along with democracy as a sort of political and governmental system. The core problem of the puzzle and debate is related with people’s understanding on Islam itself as well as its adherents’.  Conversely, this religion pronounces its compatible value of the doctrines with certain places and certain times. Consequently, it can compromise with any kinds of facts or systems as long as they are in line with its basic values namely promoting human rights and give happiness to human being

Another interesting discussion on Islam is that it emerges differently in different places with different features of Islam. The question, then, could Indonesian Islam promotes democracy including its values to be implemented in this country since the majority of the citizens are Moslems? Therefore, this paper addresses the issue on Islam in Indonesian context in relation with democratization process. The main purpose is to investigate Robert W. Hefner’s examination on the relationship of Islam and  democratization in Indonesia that he tends to counter some political theories’ about democracy including westerners’ doubt of the emergence of democracy in majority-Moslem nation or in Moslem world.[1]

Hefner comes with his deep discussion in his book “civil Islam” in portraying the role of Islam as well as the role of intellectual Moslem to promote democratization process. To borrow his phrase notion ” democratization in an age of religious revitalization”, he emphasizes the belief on the compatibility of Islam with this kind of political system, democracy which is commonly believed as product of modernization and secularization in western countries. As his point of departure is that he theorizes Muslim politics, to restate his statement, which is not monolithic but plural.[2] In addition, this anthropologist pointed out the precedent of civic seedling in Indonesia, which reveals the fact of the diversity of Indonesian Moslems’ ideas how to be a Muslim, and he “pronounces” this phenomenon as cultural pluralism.[3] He theorized, also, that democracy can develop in Indonesia. The reason why democracy is hard to exist in this country is that the civil state, as another component of democracy, did not exist during certain periods of Indonesian political life. From this standpoint he, then, points out the intellectual Moslems whose democrat views that tends to have liberal spirit in understanding their Islam and performing their civil concept. To Hefner, those Moslem democrats are civil democratic who play crucial role in democratization process. However, the process of democratization process faces their obstacle to be really achieved by Indonesia is due to the lack of another basic factor of democracy namely civil state as aforementioned earlier. He discusses the issue of the state and political regime in Indonesia periodically from the early new order until the fall of Soeharto’s regime.

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