AL-QUR’AN AND ISLAM MODERNISM;

BETWEEN REVELATION AND REASON

It is law of nature that human being’s civilization always changes and develops contextually in line with the passage of time. This change results in a “contextual “ consequence on the human beings to adapt within the process of that changing to maintain their existence. It means that one community’s civilization may be higher than other’s in which it may threaten other’s civilization. 1800 M, for instance, was a period when moslem world realized that their civilization was threaten by westen civilization. A passage of historical period when egypt was conquered by western colonialization. Then, what moslem should do in that situation whereas they , basically, has great guidence mean to creat their civilization and to reach happiness in their life that is Al-qur’an. Accordingly, it must be something that moslem should do on their “guidence” since it was believed by Islam adherents that it  is  Allah’s revelation containing all His guidence and teachings that moslems can use in their life.[1] Other words, the development of moslems depends much on the way how they understand, use and and apply what are in the qur’an in their life. To understand qur’an, meaning that they have to interprete all  what in the qur’an.

The problem, then, what qur’an said is historically and contextually since it was revealed by Allah trough the prophet Muhammad  in Arabian society with its own culture and condition around second century  through a process of revelation that is possible to be different from moslem’s condition now. Interpretation and reinterpretation attempt is needed then. However, one rooted typical of some moslems communities is their sacralization on Qur’an that perceived it as divined and sacred book which must be interpreted textually as the way it is. As a result, a gap appears between their understanding and their interpretation on qur’an and what they are facing since they take the textual message not the hidden one as the real message of qur’an it self. By contrast, other communities perceive qur’an differently. For them, it is inevitable and disputable that qur’an a sacred book but it does not mean that they cannot intrepre it contextually. It is not to say that interpreting qur’an in that way reducing their faith. The question now, how is the role of reason that Allah gives to humans to study and to take the lesson of the qur’an if moslem put a barrier between revelation and reason?. In fact  in Qur’an Allah clearly stated that only those who used their reasons that will get the lessons from the qur’an[2]. Therefore, why should moslem be afraid in using their reason in interpreting or reinterpreting the qur’an to make it in accordance with the contextual condition? In which it is the consequence of moslems believe that qur’an is sholih likulli makan wa zaman.

Basically, the debate on the using of reason and revelation is due to its divinity spirit that moslems believed rigidly. Moslems, however, ignore another aspect of qur’an that it is also a collection of texts having historical aspect because it passed through a certain time and place during its revelation process. Therefore, several aspects such as language, history, and culture got involve in that process before it became a fixed –writing book that we know now. Therefore, we cannot ignore those aspects, especially its historical aspect, when interpreting the Qur’an. Actually, the process of interpretation of the texts of the Qur’an emerged since the age of prophet especially there was a certain verse that could not be understood easily but the presence of the prophet made it easy. However, the interpretation process became a problem after the death of the prophet because moslems have different perception toward qur’an and its holiness.

In respond to that matter, the passages of  modern islamic history notes a revival movement on islamic knowledge which is issued by modern moslems  which is so-called Islam modernism or renewal of Islam. Islam modernism, in this article, refers to what Mastuhu [3]stated that it is an effort to renew the interpretation, explanation and the ways of islamic teaching implementation based on what has been stated in qur’an and hadist to make them accord with  the situation and condition icluding the problems that moslems are facing.

In this movement, the main idea that emerges is back to the qur’an and hadist. M. Abduh, take an example, is one of moslem scholar that raises the issue above and emphasizes the need of new reinterpretation toward islamic teachings to be inline with the change of time and condition. Not only Abduh but also other moslem scholars propose the same idea with Abduh. One thing that they provoke is the urgence of interpretation (tafsir). [4]Furthermore, Nawawi (2002) pointed out in gaining the new interpretation of qur’an which is suitable with the condition is rational interpretation. Meaning that the use of reason is significant here. His notion is in line with what Abd al-Hazim al – Zarqoni propose an interpretation method so-called rational tafsir           ( tafsir bi al-ra’yi) or ijtihad tafsir (tafsir ijtihadi).However, it is important to state that interpreting qur’an rationally is not to get the absolute meaning of qur’an verses. It is still relative interpretation because the exact and the absolute interpretation is only on Allah.

It is noteworthy that interpretation (tafsir) has main cores that should not be overlooked. First, it is an attemp to to clarify what Allah really mean with some verses. In this case, tafsir make moslems understand qur’an easily. Next, to understand and to explain what is still global in qur’an. Last but not least, is that a multi interdiscipline of methods and knowledge are illegible to be used to interprete qur’an to reach that aim.

Those aforementioned cores, will be another explanation why “reason” must be included in the process of Islam modernism. It reveals that in that process moslems cannot pass through by leaving qur’an as the basic normative source of islamic teachings as long as they belong to Islam followers. Indeed, they cannot apply it without using their reason just for keeping their faitht reason. I might say that both of revelation and reason are mutual inter –relation each other in modernizing Islam.

It is also interesting to view that using reason freely in interpreting qur’an leads to the contemporer moslem scholars propose various methods in approaching qur’an based on their background of their disciplines. Another significant thing to note is the character of modern interpretation in terms of the methodology and the approaches used toward qur’an that makes it differed from the previous interpretation. While, it is not to judge that they use their reason not in the appropriate way leading them to be infidels.

Based on the great aim of  bringing qur’an to its original role as humankind’s guidence (hudan li an-Nas), contemporary commentators of Qur’an (mufassir) tend to use different methods  compared to traditional commentators. On one hand, traditional commentators tended to interpret qur’an by using analytical method (tahlili) and contemporer commentators prefer to use global method( ijmali) and thematic  method (maudlu’I) associting with different approaches such as gender, semantic, and hermeneutics, on the other.[5]

Two significant characters of contemporer are important to note. A notion of “bring qur’an to be guidence book” is the first character. In this case, the commentators perceive qur’an as a dynamic revelation collection with its historical background. It brings its culture where it was revealed. Hence, to get the real message, some technical knowlegde are not enough to do that job but other new approaches can be used. Another character of this kind of interpretation is the motto that issue to reveal the “ spirit of qur’an”. What they raise in this matter is the proof of qur’an reliabilty stating that it is approriate in any time and in any condition ( shalihun likulli zaman and makan). It aims  to find the “universal” values of qur’an that sometimes are stated implicitely in qur’an. Therefore, contemporer commentators propose a new method thas to be based on what really qur’an verses want (syari’ah). This method is so-called al-ibrah bi maqashid asy-syari’ah. What  they mean by universal values of qur’an are the principle of  justice, equality, human rights et cetra.[6]

As I stated earlier that the contemporer commentators use different methods and approaches in interpreting qur’an as a result of the rational awarness on the real values of qur’an and the dynamic change of human ‘s life including  their different opinions toward the texts of the Qur’an as well as its holiness.. One of the approach  that is proposed by them is hermeneutical approach which focuses on the texts of the Qur’an as the subject of its study by considering some aspects related to the Qur’an.

Nasr Hamid Rizk Abu Zaid, for instance, is one of modern moslems scolars, beside Arkoun and Syahrour, who proposes and develops hermeneutical approach to study and to interpret Qur’an since he considered the two basic aspects of Qur’an, namely texts (as a result of revelation) and history, which make him to argue that the interpretation of the texts is flexibel and dynamic, meaning that it can be developed in accordance with the changes of the time and place (contextual) trough a scientific approach. Other words, as Nasr stated in his Iskaliyat al-qiraat wa’aliyat al-Tamwil that hetrmeneutic study tries to analyze and to explain the theory of texts exegesis (nazariyat ta’wil al-nusus) proposing other scientific approaches that can examine the process of understanding, the system of exegesis and also the explanation of the texts.[7]In this case, he used linguistics literature critics, as his expertise background, in his hermeneutical approach.

Nasr hamid’s point of view, in his hermeneutical approach, focuses on qur’an as a revelation in form of “a communication process” and qur’an as “a historical texts”. His point of departure of his discussion on qur’an is  the concept of revelation since Qur’an is believed that it was revealed gradually to the Prophet trough a certain way. Hence, the concept of “revelation” (wahy) itself need to be defined first. For him. The central meaning of wahy is “giving information” (I’lam) having certain requirement that the process must be in secret form.[8]So, in the process “giving information”, a process of communication that need a certain “code” in order the message or the information can be received easily by the receiver. Still, in the same book, mafhum Al-Nash, Nasr gave the example of communication that used certain “code” in Maryam and The Prophet Zakariya case (p.32-33). He, also illustrated the situatation of the revelation process that  can be drawn in diagram below:

Allah

Revelation (tanzil)

Nonvocal texts

Jibril        wahy                        Muhammad                 Human beings

(verbal texts)

In this process, the position of Jibril as an angel changed into humanbeing position in which verbal communcation occurred. Wahy language, in order the meaning to be received , it must be changed certain language systemand must be accordance with the object of the revelation. In this case, due to the object is humanbeings, so that the language of  Wahy must be in human beings language system.

Another point that Nasr argued is Al-Qur’an might be defined as a text (in linguistic perspective) since in qur’an we can find sentences as well as what we can find in a book. It means that both of them is fulfilled by language. Allah, in his opinion, Choosed the proces of giving information trough a communication (as his first point above). Therefore, in that communication “language” is needed. A language that can be understood by the receiver, Muhammad. Borrowing the definition of “langue” of Ferdinand De Saussure (1857-1913) that it is a language in historical realm which become the common sense in a society. Otherwise, we might say that Allah used Arabic language in the process of giving information since the Prophet speak Arabic. As a result, Al-Qur’an that we are holding now, in linguistic definition, and onthological real, is equal with other texts. In spite of Nasr’s admittance of the argument that Qur’an has divinity spirit that makes it a sacred book or what we call by “ textus receptus”, human text but has divinity source (originality).

After putting the text of the Qur’an as human texts, he also tried to focus on two things related to the concept of texts; first, relationship and sytematical contact (al-alaqot al-murakkabat) between text and culture which influences the forming of the text itself and secondly, a text as a culture. These things are related to study of Qur’an (Ulumul Al-qur’an)which also discusses the history, authority and the the context of the text of the Qur’an.

According to Nasr, study on Qur’an and Islam should be based on the “texts” as the source of  Islamic teaching. His basic aims in studying Qur’an trough hermeneutical approach are: first, to reconnect Qur’an studies to literature and critical studies since the heermeneutical approach caan be defined a a method, theory dan phylosof focusing on the problem of understanding and interpreting qur’an’s texts. Second, to define the objective understanding about Islam which is out of ideological interests[9] . To make it posssible, a view  or an attempt to humanise Qur’an should be alowed. It means that Nasr tends to say that human beings are the object of the revelation including the first receiver, The Prophet Muhammmad, therefore the the language norm of the revelation should be in accordance with human beings’ language norm although the message is coming from Allah.As a result , the text of the Qur’an in language realm is not sacred that cannot be touched at all when it needs to be interpreted as the source of Islamic teachings but the objectivity must be involved within. Moreover, laguage develop in line with the development of society and culture. It implies that it is a possibility to reinterprete texts of qur’an based on historical context and it’s social originality that more humanistic without changing the texts literally.

His opinion about the objectivity of text can be seen in his work “ Mafhumu al- Nash”. He emphasized that text must be studied and interpreted objectively trough scientific methodology and theories which are developed in linguistic and textual studies. The only way to interprete Qur’an is trough linguistic method (al-manhaj al-lughowi)[10] .

To sum Nasr hamid hermeneutical analysis on qur’an up, in general he argued that an objetive interpretation which is out of ideological interest either theologically and econoically is the core of Qur’an because one of the character of hermeneutical approach is deconstruction process of hegemonic interpretation which is full of ideological bias. To get that aim, a scientific approach should openly allowed and to consider qur’an text as human text make the interpretation more contextual since it also cultural product having also linguistic-historical and human aspects. Despite his liberal opinion, Nasr Hamid still considered by some scholar to have some weaknesses that shows his dualism position in which he argued differently toward insider and outsider when critisizing Al-qur’an. He argued methodologically toward moslem but radically toward non-moslems. Another weakness is that he did not give explisit definition of the “text” in his work “ Mafhum al- Nash”. He just defined text as “meaning (dalalah) that needs understanding, explanation and interpretation. However, his approach in studying Qur’an make the hermeneutical approach is not only regarded as language approach but also social approach since his key point is that Qur’an text has historical aspect with a language which emerges in a culture in certain society that represents the cultural characterstics of the society.

The aim of presenting Nasr hamid approach in studying qur’an is not to discuss it further but it just merely a case proving that in modernism Islam process many ways to find the spirit of qur’an universal values are needed within. However, the aim cannot be reached if the role of the reason is left behind.  In so doing, moslems should be freed from dogmatic  hegemony that make them are afraid to be rational in understanding qur’an or try to contextualize it in their own condition. One reason, of this argument, is qur’an is not the normative source for moslems Arab only, but is is for for moslems in the entire part of the world. This argument is followed by the discussion on “Islam” as a religion. If  we talk about Islam, it is not to say it as Arab religion but it is a geography,  cultures and societies discussion. Those theme, raise a different feature of Islam and the moslems. To make qur’an meaningfull in their life, moslems in different part of the world must use their reason to contextualize qur’an to be possibly applied in their place. If  being rational is regardes as deviation and refusal action on the holiness of qur’an, so, qur’an is revealed only being Arabians guidence and their islamic normative source.

Another point in discussing revelation and reason, in my opinion, is the failure of moslems to pick the universal values of qur’an up. When the reason is limited in understanding and interpreting qur’an,  Islam seems so rigid and has no modernity themes such as pluralism, gender and human rights. In facts those theme are in qur’an but certain moslems interprete it in different way (textually and less rational). As a result , non-moslems communities appear by bringing the claim of the pioneer of those theme. However, thank to some modern thinkers such as shacjedina who propose the unified approach on qur’an and stated that certain issue like plularism is in qur’an including other moslems with their rational interpreation of qur’an effort to make qur’an contextual.

In conclusion, Revelation is indisputable to be a sacred and holy book in the eyes of moslems. It is needed urgently to be the guidece (hudan) in their life. Accordingly, The reason should be put on the process of understanding qur’an in order Islam adherents easily find what actually Allah guides and wants from humankind trough the revelation. The main point, in this article, that I actually want to emphasize is Al’qur’an is a discourse fixed into writing form[11]. Meaning that is writing form and its codification already finished but not the interpretation since the absolute meaning and its message is on Allah. Meanwhile, Humankind’s life always changes in line with the passage of time and Allah suggests moslems to use their given reason to find the relative message and relative meaning of qur’an to be applied in their life. Last but not least, Interpretation and reinterpretation through rational thingking is needed in Islam modernism process. However, the consequence of the pluralism in interpretation qur’an cannod be avoided as aresult of different way of interpreting should not be looked as disintegrity of qur’an interpretation . It should be viewed wisely as a flexibility of Islam and the richness of rational thingking of qur’an commentators (mufassir). Wallahu a’lam

---

[1] Al-qur’an surah38; 29

[2] ibid

[3] Mastuhu in Nawawi , Rasionalita Tafsir Muhammad Abduh, p.5

[4] Nawawi, Rif’at syauqi, Rasionalitas Tafsir Muhammad Abduh, Kajian Masalah Akidah dan Ibadah,2002, Paramadina, Jakarta, p. 6

[5] Mustakim, Abdul, Madzahibut tafsir,p. 97

[6] ibid, p. 96

[7] Hilman Latief, Kritik Texts Keagamaan (Jogjakarta: elSAQ press, 2003)

[8] Nasr Hamid, mafhum Al-nash, dirasah fi Ulumil Al-Qur’an (Beirut: Al-Markaz al-Tsaqofi al Arabi, 1994) p.31

[9] Moch Nur Ichwan, Meretas kesarjanaan Kritis Al-Qur’an (Jakarta: Teraju, 2003)

[10] ibid

[11] Rahman, Yusuf, Kajian Hermeneutik , Pluralitas Tafsir Qur’an, Jawa Pos , Sunday 13rd January 2002

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islam,politics and muslim country

SUFISM AND POLITICS; A HISTORICAL RECORD ON RELIGIOUS PLURALISM OF MOSLEM POLITICS IN INDONESIAN CONTEXT

Abstract

Fenomena keragaman pemahaman keagamaan dalam konteks politik menjadi bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dalam sejarah politik Muslim diberbagai belahan dunia termasuk Indonesia. Ideologi yang dibangun dari nilai-nilai ajaran agama menjadi motor dan perangkat yang signifikan bagi kelompok-kelompok agama untuk memperluas spectrum gerakan dari ranah spiritual ke ranah politik. Hal ini pada konteks waktu dan daerah tertentu menjadi hal yang tidak bisa dihindari keberadaannya. Kelompok Sufi adalah salah satu contoh yang melakukan perluasan spectrum spiritual ke spectrum politik

1. A. Introduction

It is indisputable that Sufism and its spiritual exercise, so-called tarekat, play significant role in development of Islam tradition and the history of Islamic civilization. In Indonesia, particularly, it contributes significantly to the process of spreading Islam (Islamization). John, as quoted by Zulkifly in his book Sufism in Java, described the major role of Sufi in Indonesia.  He puts it in this way:

“It (Sufism) was directly involved in the spread of Islam to Indonesia, it played a significant part of the social organization of Indonesian port towns, and it was the specific nature of Sufism which facilitated the absorption of non Moslem communities into folded of Islam”[1]

In addition, his basic assumption of Sufis role in Indonesia is that Sufi missionaries were the motor of the spreading of Islam supported by one factor of the similarity between Sufism and pre-Islamic Indonesian culture beside they did peacefully.[2] Not only on that area Sufis and tarekat get involved but also in some aspects of life such as economics and education.

Another interesting thing that should not be overlooked is that Sufism or tarekat role in politics. Although it has been already assumed that Sufism ‘s concern, originally, is everything related to life here after (here after-oriented) and the piety, in fact, some cases in certain parts of the world show the dynamic transition of Sufism orientation indicating its response toward politics. The cases proved that Sufism and tarekat not only concern with the spiritual matter but also public matters particularly politics. Tarekat Badawiyah in Egypt, as one interesting example, got involved in crusade war. Naqsabandiyah became the mobilizer of Kurdi nationalism movement. Another fact shows that in Indonesia tarekat Qodiriyah Naqsabandiyah also became the hidden motor of Banten peasant revolt in 1886.

In this article, basically, I’m concerned much with the Sufism and tarekat response toward politics rather than its other roles besides proposing basic assumption that tarekat plays different role in each time. Furthermore, I also raise two basic questions on this matter. First, why in certain time they got involved or responded to politics seems that it out of their original orientation. Second, why do they, in particular circumstances, can be a motor for collective action?

1. B. Sufism, Tarekat and Politics in Indonesia

Sufism, here, I defined broader than as Moslem mysticism focusing on spiritual exercising only; it is defined also as mystical movement within Islam. Some may be called as a Sufi if she or he dedicates him or herself after uniting with the creator or God.[3] The practice of spiritual exercise in this Sufi organization is so called tarekat in which I focus much on this term in the next discussion.

As my point of departure, it is better to defined, etymologically and terminologically, tarekat or thariqoh. The name of tarekat is Arabic in origin, being derived from the word thoriqoh meaning “main road or path”. Terminologically, then, it can be defined as a way used specially to achieve certain goal. Other words we may say that a Sufi has to pass through a certain way (tarekat) to get closer to Allah. Through tarekat, Moslems defend their sovereignty and strengthen their brotherhood in form of spiritual organization. Basically, the basic foundation of Sufism and tarekat are the same as syariah’s including the way how to get closer to the God and their hope of the God bless. Therefore, to achieve those aims, a Sufi should pass through a long way (thariqoh) and a systematical maqom (stations).

As the contrary of that aforementioned fact, not all Sufis belong to a certain group of tarekat. It, in general, can be classified into two groups. Those who are affiliated with Sufi order and those who are not affiliated with Sufi order. This notion is in accord with Abubakar Atjeh theory as quoted by Zulkifli, he pointed out that there are two classification of Sufi, “the first is independent ulama’ who do not follow a certain Sufi order which ties their students and brings them into a school of Sufi doctrine. These Sufi figures are known for their works which are regarded as special features in producing a standpoint in the field of Sufism. The other, is the Sufis who are known for their works which are found to certain teachings or Sufi orders which are followed and propagated as their disciples. Although changes may occur in the order, its principles remain stable as were established by the founder.[4]

Sufism’s affiliates or follower should be under a master’s supervision, so called a mursyid, as the mediator between the followers or the murids and the God. Therefore, the role of mursyid is significant in this process. Each tarekat has its own central figure. Here, the sacred position of the mursyid raises that may lead to the obedience among the murids. Other words, we may say that word and the order including their advice become powerful. Sufism and tarekat, basically, is 12^th century phenomenon. However, it has been emerged over a decade that the history of Islam notes. Some scholars contribute in this issue. Gisenan in Zulkifli, for instance, outlines two mainstreams of Sufism development. According to him, Sufism had appeared since the early centuries after the Prophet Muhammad death that is the individuals who felt a call to the mystical or devotional life. Secondly, it led to a group of Moslem coming together in the sufi brotherhoods to follow one of the great saints of medieval Islam.[5]

Rahman[6] theorized that in the first two decade Sufism was an individual phenomenon. In line with, nevertheless, the development of Islamic formal law discourse and theology, it also developed into an institution with its mass power. The institutional process of Sufism then was started by gathering activities among Moslems in any places. They used to do the activities to discuss religious matters including doing spiritual exercises. Hence, from the very beginning their focus was obviously just to emphasize personal spirituality and piety rather than the details of fiqh. When the followers number became larger, the Sufis led them into certain traditional practices of spirituality in form of a tarekat group depended on the mursyids own way chosen. It became the first stage that Sufi being compartmentalized as some tarekat.

Sufism reaches its definitive development (muktamad) around 12C and 13C. During that period some Sufi leaders spread their teachings to some parts of Moslem world. Their success in supervising tarekat and building educational institution also influenced the way people think of it as well as their motivation to be the followers.

Dowel portrayed the development of Sufism phenomena in Islam in different way. He emphasized it as an illegal creation of the Sufis toward the basic message of Islam.[7] He put it as follows:

“Islam is the way we know it through the Koran, the Hadiths, and the Sira (biography of the prophet). The tasawuf, as sufism as you say, (…) arrived during certain period of Islamic history. During the time of rasidun caliphs, power and sanctity went together. With the coming of the Omayyads, sanctity began to diminish. It was at the moment, then, that voices were raised to bring people back top the right path. This movement gradually transformed itself afterward, until  it pretended that beyond the clear information contained in the Koran and the sunna, there were secrets which the prophet left only to certain of his closest followers, and that these had since undertaken to transmit them. It is simply a deviation. Islam is what is found in the Koran and Hadith. It is in the comportment of the prophet as related by his companions, and it is nothing else.

In addition, Annida Ennifeir, one of the founders of the Tunisian movement as quoted by Dowel stated that Sufism trapped Moslems in immobility situation. This argument is in line with what is proposed by Mulkhan in his book “Bisnis Kaum Sufi” that Sufism seems to lead Moslems into esoterical interest in which become weak in dynamic world with its development.

The debate about Sufi and tarekat above become the internal conflict within Moslems that is influenced by their difference way in seeing and understanding their religion in terms of how to get closer to the God or may be something else related to hereafter goal.

The conflict also rises when Sufism has to be in contrast to elite jurist since they have difference tendency although they have the same basic foundation I stated above. On one side, as Fazlur Rahman said in his book Islam, Sufism faced a confusing tendency to compromise with the beliefs mass popular practice that had just converted. On the other side, elite jurist tended to support the ruler with its jurisprudential movement. Therefore, in that situation, violent reaction may emerge from Sufis as three basic reasons they hold. First, The theories which perceive that ulama are influenced by non-Moslem traditions. Second, the basic idea of Islam including other religions which is pure and orthodox is not compatible with previous ideas. Last, The prophet, himself, provided the paradigm of Sufism development. Moreover, the elite’s attention do not attached on lower class interests also allied with the Sufism’s reason to react toward elite jurists.

Hence, Sufism already experienced an internal conflict within Islam itself since its emergence and raises a debate among Moslem scholars, jurists and the Sufis. It is a possibility that the internal conflict may be one of the factors of the transition role and Sufism movement. However, it is not to say that it is the only factor of Sufis response toward politics in which other factors may also contributed such as economics.

Moving to another point related to Sufism development in Indonesian context, will lead us to another feature of Sufism response toward politics during its development. It is commonly noted historically that Sufism and its tarekat form came to Indonesia along with the coming of Islam trough the process of Islamization of indigenous people as I have stated earlier. As a prove, some saints- so called wali sanga”– played as political leaders beside as religious leaders in Java during the islamization process. Some Sufis also became the supervisors of the kings since the legitimacy of Sufis was urgent in their governance.  Nevertheless, it is second conflict also appeared when the dividing perfective emerged between the Sufis and the kings. The kings, consequently, regard the Sufis as their radical opposite of their governance politically since the Sufis did not support them. As the irony of the fact, the people obeyed the Sufis more than the kings due to their belief on them religiously. In that position the kings were afraid if they would lead the people’s obedience into a rebellion. From that moment, radicalism of tarekat actually devoted to Sufism.

In terms of external conflict that leads to Sufis interference on politics was the colonialism. After the passage of time of its ritual concern only, its political response and its radicalism emerged when the colonial occupied Indonesia. It was when the colonial power began to repress the people that resulted in two dimensions of people defense, people’s way of thinking in terms of the doctrine about non-Moslems, creating the concept of jihad among ulama to fight against the infidels, as well as their movement on one hand and respond directly toward colonial on behalf of their opposite (open opposite or close opposite), on the other.

In terms of movement, it is noteworthy that people responded openly in form of involving in the battle with the weapons. Another group, still, tended to choose be the close opposite in close-response way or movement- represented commonly by some ulama and Sufi leaders- in which they tried to do uzlah. [8] Some of them devoted their life to education and tarekat activity where they could build Islamic educational institution such as pesantren.[9] Despite their success in building those institutions (pesantren), their spiritual exercises or tarekat also experienced development since 19 century. By that time, radicalism and political response of Sufism and tarekat emerged. Two significant examples of how both spiritual exercises involved within politics are Paderi movement and the actor behind peasant revolt in Banten in 1888.

Started from illustrating Paderi movement, it was initially an internal conflict within Moslem community which is separated into two factions. One faction proposed a purification of Islam evolutionarily and peacefully. By contrast, another faction wanted a fully and radical purification. This rebuttal led to an internal war between two factions. However, the colonial’s interference turned the war into an alliance fighting against the colonial.

As well as Paderi movement above, the role of ulama and Sufis in Banten revolt in 1988 should be put into account. What is more, historically banten sultanate was built in line with Islam wide spreading process. Therefore, the ulama’s role in the governance was crucial. The clear explanation of tarekat in Banten in terms of politics was in a battle with the colonial, so-called geger cilegon. It happened in 9^th July 1888 motored by some ulama such as Haji Abdul Karim, Haji Tubagus Ismail, Haji Marzuki and Haji Wasid. Through tarekat Kadiriyah teaching, they also encouraged people to fight against the colonial by spirit of jihad since they are infidels. The concept of jihad that they thought was fighting against infidels was a great obligation for Moslems. If they died in war, their place in hereafter would be the paradise. Therefore  Sabil War issue raised during that time.

Through pesantren, the tarekat discussion became political discussion. Not only in pesantren they built the alliance, but also in other places such at mosque and houses. However, the original spiritual exercise of dzikir (reciting religious words) still became the consistent activity. The influence of the leaders of the tarekat could gather mass power since the number of the followers increased sharply including the local government of Java when the governor of Serang, Haji. R. A. Prawiranegara became the follower of tarekat Kadiriyah.

During the dzikir activities the leaders escalated the spirit of struggle of the people through Sabil War story. They encouraged people to face the Dutch, as the colonial country in Banten at that time, in war bravely. Not only people in that place responded the encouragement, but also other ulama from Tagerang, Bogor and Jakarta agreed to move.

That phenomenon made the Dutch worried and paid attention much on the activity which was called by tarekat since previous case showed ulama of certain tarekat or the followers of certain tarekat were associated with Moslem’s defense toward the Dutch. Take for example; what happened in South kalimantan in 1859-1863, ulama led a revolt under their motto “Beratib Beamal”.

The most threatened tarekat in the eyes of the Dutch was tarekat Naksyabandiyah and tarekat Qodiriyah, the combination of these two tarekat or their branches. According to the Ducth, they were a radical tarekat since their emergence may put their colonial process in danger. Therefore they controlled its activities rigidly.

Putting those two tarekat movements in two dimensions aspects of life, it will lead me to my basic inquiries about tarekat power in politics and their changing concern from the spiritual development and piety of Moslems into political spectrum. By proposing the thesis statement stating earlier, I come to a discussion that a tarekat may be a political power in certain condition and certain time.

As the first departure of my discussion in this article is how ideology becomes the basic motor of their movement whether in internal conflict with the King or ulama including the jurist. If those group action is in confront with them, it may put their position become Sufis opposite in terms of religious beliefs. As the external case, such as colonial, the ideology Sufi holding is that the colonial people were infidels that must be opposed. In this case they used the ideology “jihad” and “perang sabil” related to the ideology of life hereafter. To borrow Moaddel’s theory of “ideology as episodic discourse” stating that ideology just works and fits in the specific period of time, seems that this theory fit with the case of the role of Sufis’ ideology in relating their response toward politics. [10]

From this point, we can see the importance of an ideology to influence a group to move. In addition the opportunity to move and act by that time was conducive to force Sufis to move together with the people. Quoting the definition of political opportunity proposed by Rasler [11] that concession and repression from a government regime is the significant factor for people to move. Those two conditions escalate the protest action or protest behavior whether violently or non-violently. Therefore, situating that definition on Sufis and tarekat movement shows, I my self argue, an empirical link. As the explanation, Banten case is that local government supported by the Dutch monopolized the economy and restructured the political system in form of modernization. That action repressed the people (especially peasant group) economically and politically. What is more, most of them were tarekat followers. With the support from the Sufis, as their religious leaders that they believed and respected much, including the ideology they hold that the Dutch were infidels, they moved to revolt in 1888. Although it just lasted only five days, it explained that ideology will lead a group to act as well as showing that Sufis concern moved to political arena.

In general, some cases related to some tarekats in politics reveal a significant transition of Sufism and tarekats role and their initial concerns. However, it is not to say that they change their original orientation. It is just a case of the need of condition to broaden the basic aims. This also copes with my hypothesis that Sufis play different role in each time in accord with my first basic inquiries on this matter explaining why they change their original orientation in certain time. Another thing left is the power of Sufis and tarekat leaders in mobilizing people or their followers should be also considered.  I am not saying that, the followers fully obeyed their tarekat leaders but the teachings that they taught gradually became an ideology supported by the charismatic figure of the leaders. In addition, the alliance that they can work together was the Sufis group in opposing the regime in which most of the followers were mass-based such as workers and peasants. In fact, their total number was larger than government members or as equal as the colonial’s.

By the passage of time, the pattern of sufis’ political response changes a little bit. Certain tarekat such as tarekat Qodiriyyah –Naqsabandiyah, for instance, focus on the treatment of drug abusers and tarekat sadzaliyah in Ploso Jombang focusing also on people’s welfare economically. It means that their role for this time being is that what they think should be done according to the need without ignoring their main focus that is the spiritual exercises and piety of the followers.

C. Conclusion

To sum up, sufism and tarekat play their roles differently in each times in all aspects of life. It also shows that they have main orientation in their life namely spiritual development to get closer to the God. Indeed, the way the manifest their main goal does not mean that keep their bodies, their attention and their feeling away from the real world where they are living now as some Sufis, themselves, state that being Sufis does not mean to be trapped in alien world and have no attention to the real one. Abah Anom, for example, the leader of tarekat Qodiriyah-Naqsabandiyah in pesantren Suryalaya still gives his response to Indonesian condition currently. Therefore, it proves that he pays attention to outside his sufis ‘world including politics. Other words, I may conclude that Sufis has interesting action changing anytime as well as any condition. Nonetheless, in certain cases they are regarded as radical movement whether in Indonesia or other parts of the world. The judgment, still, is ongoing process since each group has its own interests to name them as radical movement or not. Sufism and tarekat, still, are one of feature of Moslem understanding of their religious doctrines to reach and to get closer to the God.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Attar, Farida Al-Din, Muslim Saints and Mystics, 1996, The Penguin Group, England

Beith, A. F., Sosialisme Kerakyatan yang Islami, Bagian Ideologi, 2001, yayasan Al-Munawwarah.

Brown, Daniel, Rethinking Tradition in Modern Islamic Thought, !999, Cambridge, England

Dowell, William and Francois Burgat, The Islamic Movement in North Africa, 1997, University of Texas, USA

Hadi,  Abdul, Tasawuf Yang Tertindas, 2001, Paramadina, Jakarta

Kartodirdjo, Sartono, The Peasant Revolt of Banten in 1888, 1996, Gravenhage Martinus Hoff, Leiden

Mansor, Moaddel, Ideology as Episodic Discourse: The Case of Iranian Revolution, American Sociological review, Volume 57, issue 3 (Jun, 1992), p.  353-379

Mulyati, Sri, Abah Anom’s responses to current Islamic Issues in Indonesia, a paper presented at international conference on sufism and the ‘modern in Islam, September 4-6, 2003, Bogor, Indonesia

Rahman, Islam (trans. Edition), 2003, Pustaka Hidayah, Bandung

Rasler, Karen, Concession, Repression and Political Protest in The Iranian Revolution, Vol. 61, isssue 1, P. 132- 152

Zulkifli, Sufism in Java, The Role of Pesantren in The Maintenance of Sufism in Java, 2002, INIS, Jakarta

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[1] Zulkifli, Sufism in Java, the Role of Pesantren in the Maintenance of Sufism in Java (Jakarta. INIS:  2002) p. 13

[2] Zulkifli, sufism in Java………….. , p. 7

[3] Farida all-Din Attar, Saints and Mystics, episodes from the Tazkira al-Auliya (England, The Penguin Group: 2002)

[4] Zulkifli, sufism in Java………….. , p. 17

[5] Zulkifli, sufism in Java………, p.5

[6] Fazlur Rahman, Islam (trans. Edition) (Bandung,  Pustaka Hidayah: 2003)

[7]William Dowell and Francois Burgat, The Islamic Movement in North Africa (USA, University of Texas: 1997) p.8. The notion is the result of William Dowell’s interview with a young dissident of the Chebiba Islamiyya that fot the time being becomes the leader of legalistic group in Morocco, Abdallah Benkirane. The interview was conducted in Rabat Sale in October 1987.

[8] This term is used to reflect a certain way to avoid the colonial government including refusing their alliance offering

[9] One of places where a moslem can learn islamic teachings deeper.

[10] Moaddel Mansor, Ideology as Episodic Discourse: The Case of Iranian Revolution (American Sociological review: 1992) Vol: 57, issue 3  P.  353-379

[11] Karen Rasler, Concession, Repression and Political Protest in The Iranian Revolution, (Vol. 61, issue 1) P. 132- 152

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